At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.
Lincolns inaugural address this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper.
Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations Lincolns inaugural address been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.
The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.
All dreaded it—all sought to avert it. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.
And the war came.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.
Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.
Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes his aid against the other. The prayers of both could not be answered—that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. Fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away.
On December 20th,South Carolina called a state convention to consider secession, and the states gathered there unanimously voted in favor.
Their actions represent those of the insurgent agents that Lincoln describes as having sought to dissolve the Union. He does not specifically state that anyone on either side was in favor of war and bloodshed.
His aim is not to castigate the Confederacy, only to end the conflict and reconcile the nation. This method of summarizing the main points of a speech in its conclusion is an effective rhetorical strategy; it reminds the audience of what is most important and leaves a lasting impression.
A few weeks after his election, South Carolina had a state convention in which several Southern states declared independence as a confederacy, drafted a constitution, and elected a president. Lincoln expresses this idea using the image of blood; the every drop of blood exacted from slaves by their masters must be matched by blood spilled on the battlefields of the war.
This allows him to focus his policies on reunification as the defining aspect of his second term of office, allowing him to craft this inaugural address appropriately. Grant during his first term. Many saw the end of the war in sight, and many were looking to reintegrate the South into the Union.
Lincoln refers to the theme of his first inaugural address and how his second shall differ. More connotatively, it refers to any cause of suffering. The quotation expresses the inevitability of suffering and tragedy, but it suggests that the person through whom the suffering arrives will be subject to judgment.
Lincoln then frames slavery as an example of an offense that needs to be removed. Lincoln suggests that because the American people allowed slavery to occur, they are being punished in the form of civil war. It is not clear whether Lincoln believes this to be true in a literal sense or whether the idea of divine punishment represents a rhetorical framework.
He recognizes that both the Union and Confederacy have experienced compromise and disappointment.On March 4, , the day Abraham Lincoln was first sworn into office as President of the United States, the Chicago Tribune printed this special pamphlet of his First Inaugural Address..
In the address, the new president appealed to the "mystic chords of memory" and to . Second Inaugural Address Saturday, March 4, Weeks of wet weather preceding Lincoln's second inauguration had caused Pennsylvania Avenue to become a sea of mud and standing water. First Inaugural Address Monday, March 4, The national upheaval of secession was a grim reality at Abraham Lincoln's inauguration.
Jefferson Davis had been inaugurated as the President of the Confederacy two weeks earlier. The former Illinois Congressman had arrived in Washington by a secret route to avoid danger, and his movements were.
President Lincoln's First Inaugural Address focused on reassuring the Southern states that the president would not try to strip them of their slaves and that he would try to find a way to help. Library of Congress. Second Inaugural Address Washington, D.C. March 4, This theologically intense speech has been widely acknowledged as one of .
"Mr. Lincoln, that was a sacred effort." So spoke Frederick Douglass soon after he heard Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address on March 4, The abolitionist orator/editor (and former slave) had met Lincoln only twice before, and for most of the war was a fierce critic of the president's policies.